Tagalog Deficiencies Reflections by R. David Zorc on how the Philippine National language should be modified to incorporate vocabulary with widespread Philippine similarities. Last update: Friday, 21 August 2020 = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = (1) Partial loss of a four-part DEICTIC system with a reduction to three except for the gan- [simulative] set: iri* niri* dini* ganiri ito nito dito ganito iyan niyan diyan ganyan iyon no'on do'on gano'on *Some Tagalog dialects do retain the original system, and even in Manila one can hear 'five pesos worth of this', <... niyan> 'of that'. Note that the reduction of demonstratives as a class is not uncommon. English, for the most part, has moved from a three-part system to a two-part system, having lost the distal or distant deictic and , leaving only - , - . Note also that it is mostly Southern Philippine languages that have a four-part deictic system. ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ (2) The Tagalog negative system is sadly one of the most impoverished in the Philippines, having just three basic forms [hindi’, huwag, wala’] when other languages have five, six, or seven monomorophemic negators, because it lost the special functions of PWMP *beken, and the distinctions between past and present negators of verbs. There is also the combination: ‘ayaw-ko’. And the beauty of Bisyan [‘ambut] “I don’t know” contrasts with an entire phrase: hindi’ ko ‘alam! Mangyan languages contribute "I don't like (it)". (2) Simplification of a complex NEGATIVE system. Philippine languages can have up to a dozen negators: 1 negative affirmative => "no"; Opp: "yes" *di', *hendi' 2 negative cognitive | dp - ignorance => "don't know" 3 negative existential => "none, nothing, there is none" *wada' 4 negative of desire ~ negative desiderative => "don't like" [dayu'] 5 negative potential => "cannot, can't VERB" 6 negative predicative => "is not (so)" [NOUN and/or ADJ] *beken 7 negative temporal => "never, not ever" 8 negative temporal dp => "not yet" 9 negative verb imperative => "don't!" *'ayaw, huwag 10 negative verb future construction => "will not VERB" 11 negative verb past construction => "did not VERB" 12 negative verb present construct => "is not VERBing, does not VERB" Tagalog has only three basic negators. hindi' general negator => negative affirmative huwag negative imperative wala' negative existential Two expressions require full phrases to cover the meaning: "I don't like" [negative desiderative] Mangyan ewan ~ aywan ko "I don't know' [negative cognitive] Ceb <ámbut>, Akl ; or the three word phrase: "I don't know" [negative cognitive]. PWMP|PPH *beken "not so" [negative predicative] was completely lost in Tagalog and generalized into the [hindi'] negative forms. ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ (3) Loss of a true imperative conjugation. Many Philippine languages, Bisayan in particular, retain two Austronesian imperative suffixes: *-a [object focus imperative] Ceb palita, Akl bakea 'buy it!' *-i [local focus imperative] Ceb, Akl bayri 'pay for it!' ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ (4) Loss of distinction between an 'indefinite' (a banana) and 'definite' (the banana) DIRECT OBJECT. Tagalog marks all such objects with "ng". Romblomanon: Nagbakal siya ning saging. 'He bought a banana.' Romblomanon: Nagbakal siya nang saging. 'He bought the banana.' Tagalog handles this via focus changes: Tagalog: Bumili siya ng saging. 'He bought a banana/bananas.' Tagalog: Binili niya ang saging. 'He bought the banana' ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ (5) Some common lexical items do not have a single word in Tagalog as they have in virtually all other Philippine languages. The most striking of which is: 'roe' => [itlog ng isda'] Bis [bi:hod], Ilk [bigi]; Virtually all other Philippine languages have a unique word for 'roe'. ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ (6) Words that are otherwise frequent throughout the Philippines have a unique or limited form in Tagalog. buntot 'tail' => otherwise *ikuR bunganga7 'mouth' => otherwise *baqbaq gagamba 'spider' => otherwise *lawa' gamot < *Ramut 'root' => Tagalog 'medicine' [see below] ginhawa < PPH *Rahinawa 'breathe' => Tagalog 'rest; comfort(able)' kailan 'when?' | Many Philippine languages differentiate: 'when (in the past)?' from 'when (in the future?' such as Aklanon kan-o [past], hin-uno [future], Cebuano 'anus-a [future], kanus-a [past]. kaliwa' 'left' < otherwise PSP *walah, PAN > PNP *wiRi kidlat 'lightning' => otherwise *kilat tanda7 'old (person)' => *gurang | *tanda' = 'remember; good memory' túbig 'water' is a coinage within the Greater Central Philippines => [danúm] 'water' is used throughout the North, in Mindoro, and on Palawan and is inherited from Proto-Austronesian; it is beautifully paired with *inúm 'drink' and should be the Filipino word. ugat 'root' < otherwise *uRat 'vein' ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ (7) Sound change (loss of *l) has yielded a unique Tagalog [bá:hay] (with penult length and l-loss) as opposed to generalized Philippine [baláy] (retaining [l] and accent on the final syllable). If the national language were really Filipino, using [baláy] for 'house' would not be a laughing matter since it retained in Atta, Isneg, Ibanag, Ilokano, Remontado, Kinaray-a, Kuyonen, Hiligaynon, Masbate, Waray, Aborlan, Batak, Kalamianic, Hanuoo, Alangan, and Iraya. The vast majority of Filipino speakers say it the historical way in their native language, but are reluctant to use it instead of . Here are several other words which are pronounced without [l] in Tagalog whereas the [l] is well-established in most other Philippine dialects: áhas < *halas 'snake' [Lobel Buhi x; Zorc] (metathesis?) ámag < *alamag [Lobel 2020.12.03] anghit < PAN *qang(e)Sit 'stench, musky odor of an animal' [ACD], not necessarly PAN *qangeliC 'stench of burning substances' [RDZ] áraw 'day; sun' < *qaljaw [Lobel Buhi x; Wolff; Zorc] ásim 'sour' < *qalsem [Lobel Buhi x; Zorc] bahaghári' 'rainbow' = king+g-string? [SLz-axis *balag-hadi' Zorc] báhay 'house' < *baláy [CEDOF-x; Lobel Buhi x; Wolff two like; Zorc] báhid 'stain' < *báled [Kpm bálad] #081 ba'itáng 'steps' < *balitang [Zorc] S-L balitang, Kpm, Png balitang bako'or *** [Zorc] < *bakulud [ZDS] 'stoney plateau' bálang 'locust' < PWMP *balalang 'grasshopper ~ locust' [Blust-ACD] bának 'mullet' < *balának [Blust-ACD; Zorc] bangá' ~ balangá' < *balanga7 [Blust-ACD; Zorc] bangó 'fragrant' (mabango) < *banglu [Charles, Zorc, Blust-ACD] bá'o 'widow' < *bálu [Wolff; Zorc] bá'on 'provisions' < *bálun [CEDOF-x; Zorc] bíhis 'change clothes' < *beles [Lobel Buhi x; McF-NP; Zorc] bi'ík 'suckling pig' < Png belek [OR *beRek > SLz *beyek; ACD; Zorc] bingí < *bengel [Lobel Buhi x ; Wolff; Zorc] búho' 'bamboo sp.' < *buluq [CEDOF-x; Wolff; Zorc] búhos 'pour' < *bulus [Lobel Buhi x] bukas 'tomorrow' < SLz+Ivt *buklas > bulkas (metathesis) > bu:kas butó 'bone; seed' < PNP *but7ul [ZDS, Lobel] buwán 'moon' < *bulan [CEDOF-x; Wolff; Zorc] buwíg 'bunch, cluster of fruits' < *buliR [CEDOF-x; Wolff; Zorc] da'án 'road, trail' < *dálan [Bl-AL:607, CEDOF-x; Wolff; Zorc] damág 'all night long' < PCP *damlag 'morning' [Lobel => Zorc] dámi (marami) < *damel [Zorc] dáyap 'lime tree' < *dalayap [Blust-ACD] hábi 'weave' < *habel [Lobel Buhi x; Zorc] hamóg 'dew' < *lamuR ~ *dahemuR [Blust-ACD; Zorc disagrees] hánip 'chicken flea' [Lobel Buhi x] < *alnep huli 'late, last' < PMP *udehi [ACD; Zorc] ibáyo 'other side' < *i- + *balyu < *baliw [Blust-ACD; Zorc] iyák 'cry, weep' | Ceb hilak [Zorc DZQ] kaliwá' 'leftside' < *kali-waláh [Wolff; Zorc] kámot 'scratch' < *kalmut [Panganiban-239] katí 'itchy' < *katel [Lobel Buhi x; Wolff; Zorc] kuwágo 'owl' < *kulaRu [Zorc] [Panganiban: Kpm kulayu] kuwintás 'necklace' PPH or Sp? | Akl, Ceb kulintas [ACD, Zorc] lakí (malakí) 'large' < *dakel [Lobel Buhi x; Zorc] pangá 'jaw(bone)' < *pangal [Charles; Zorc-ZDS] puwíng 'blinded by dirt in eye' < *puling [CEDOF-x; Zorc] sahíg 'floor' < *saleg [Lobel Buhi x; Wolff; Zorc] sáhing 'resin' < *saleng [Lobel Buhi x; Wolff; Zorc] sampú' 'ten' < *saN-puluq [Wolff; Zorc] sangág 'fry rice' < *sanglaR [Charles, Zorc; ACD *sangelaR] síhang 'jaw' < *selang [Lobel Buhi x; Zorc] sísih- 'regret < *selsel [ACD, Lobel Buhi x ; Wolff; Zorc] súrot 'bedbug' < *suldut [McF-NP#444] su'ót < *su7lut 'wear ~ put on clothes' [Zorc, ACD] suwí 'plant shoot, sucker' < *suli7 [ACD, Zorc] súyod 'comb for lice, fine tooth comb' < *su:jud [Y!] tagiháwat 'pimple, blackhead' CF: talihalat 'black mole of irregular shape' [Panganiban:938,946; Zorc] tamád 'lazy' < PNP *tamlaj [Ilk tamlag, Ibg tammag, Sbl tamlar, Bol, Bot tamlad ténga ~ ta'ínga 'ear' < *talinga [Bl-AL:607, CEDOF-x; Wolff; Zorc] tibi 'constipation' < *tebel [Zorc, Lobel] túro' 'point; teach' < *tulduq [Zorc] tuwíd 'straight' < *tuqlid [Zorc] úhod 'worm' < *qulej [Wolff; Zorc] umí 'speechlessly smiling due to shyness' < *umel 'dumb' [ACD; Zorc] únan 'pillow' < *qulunan [ACD; Wolff; Zorc] u'ód 'worm, grub, caterpillar' < *qulej [Zorc] uwí' 'return home' < *7uliq [CEDOF-x; Wolff; Zorc] ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ (8) Blust. 2013:178. "The requirement that identical vowels separated by glottal stop take oxytone stress appears to be unique to Tagalog, as this condition is absent even from such closely related languages as Bikol, Cebuano and Aklanon." da'án 'road, trail' < *dálan [Bl-AL:607, CEDOF-x; Wolff; Zorc] sa'án 'where?' | ok | Final accent Akl si'in, Ceb di'in su'ót < *su7lut 'wear ~ put on clothes' [Zorc] | The loss of glottal stop should have introduced length, , but did not. u'ód 'worm, grub, caterpillar' < *qúlej [Zorc] = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = (9) Tagalog [y] < *RLD > y-language suyod 'comb for lice' < *sujud yungib 'cave' < *lungib [Jason Lobel 2020.12.03] = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = =