While collating my fieldwork data and writing my dissertation in 1972-74, I was confronted with a number of INNOVATIONS that were spread across various otherwise well-established subgroups, one of the most notable of which was the replacement of by *alang PalMind-axis = Kalamianic and Palawanic have *alang, supporting a PALAWAN-KALAMIAN AXIS. Northern Philippine languages have either *gátang or *láku7, suggesting two NORTHERN LUZON AXES. South Cordilleran has *tu?gal, which is unique to that subgroup, *bakál NBs-axis in Aklanon bakáe /bakáe/, Asi’, Romblomanon bakáy, Bulalakawnon, Kinaray-a, Semirara/Kaluyanen, Ilonggo/Hiligaynon, Masbatenyo, Hanunoo, and all Bikol languages bakál. Because this form *bakál cuts across five separate discrete subgroups (West Bisayan, Asi’, Central Bisayan, Bikol, and South Mangyan), I proposed that forms with this distribution provided evidence of a NORTH BISAYAN “AXIS”.11 It is clear from evidence in Reid (1971), McFarland (1977) and Zorc [ZDS] that analogous replacements in this meaning have occurred throughout the Philippines supporting other ‘axis’ relationships. *belih PAN ‘to buy’ (retained in Tagalog, Tausug, Mansaka and Bilic) *gatang CagVal&Ilk ZDS PNP *laku7 PNP ZDS *ngina PYamic < PNP 'expensive' *palit EMn-axis = Waray, Cebuano, Sur, Mamanwa, Kamayo, Kagayanen, and several Mansakan languages have palít {from PPH *palít ‘exchange’ [ACD] (possibly related to Dempwolff’s *palit ‘return gift’)}, suggesting an EASTERN MINDANAO AXIS. *pamasa CMn-axis < bazar = the Danao languages, Dibabawon and Western Bukidnon Manobo share pamasa ‘buy’ (possibly from Persian b?z?r ‘market’ via a Sama-Bajaw language (which loses word-final r) pasa + pa?-). *saliw PVasayic < PAN 'exchange ~ buy' *tunggal SCr-axis ZDS Each of these replacements represents “leakage” [in the terminology of Blust (2019) for loans that cross genetic boundaries] from one well-established SUBGROUP into other neighboring languages where significant trade or social networks existed. These post-split12 innovations give the false impression of a genetic subgrouping, whereas what they actually indicate is a significant sociolinguistic replacement phenomenon. Thus far, I have uncovered evidence for fifteen such relationships. They will be treated in the order that I “discovered” them and from the more pervasive and persuasive etyma to those less so (i.e., they will not be in alphabetical order). Note also that in several instances some languages such as Ilokano, Tagalog, and Hanunoo are included in two or more axes. Although maps are provided herein, the majority of them indicate the current (synchronic) location of speech varieties. Most axis relationships may have a time depth of up to one thousand years, and we just don’t know where most languages were at that time.